Hopkins Marine Station (1918-1950)
CHAPTER 5
THE INFLUENCE OF JACQUES LOEB
The scientists discussed thus far have been those whose primarily research efforts were directed toward the subjects of invertebrate zoology, oceanography and fisheries biology, as each attempted to advance the early understandings of these fields of natural science. Yet to be discussed are the likes of F. R. Lillie, E. G. Conklin, T. H. Morgan, H.H. Newman, or A. H. Sturtevant, who Walter K. Fisher mentions in his letter to Vernon Kellogg, as being familiar with Hopkins Marine Station, and enthusiastic about potentials for it's future development. [At the time of Fisher's letter to Kellogg, Frank Rattray Lillie, was Professor of Zoology, University of Chicago, and Director of the Marine Biological Laboratory, Woods Hole; Edwin Grant Conklin, was Professor of Biology at Princeton University; Thomas Hunt Morgan, Professorship in Experimental Zoology, Columbia University; H. H. Newman, Professor of Zoology, University of Chicago, and A. H. Sturtevant, who was positioned Columbia University in TH Morgan's lab as research investigator for the Carnegie Institution of Washington]. These five names, renowned scientist of their times, were giants in the field of experimental biology with inextricable and direct links to groundbreaking research conducted at the Marine Biological Laboratory (MBL) of Woods Hole Massachusetts and close academic associations with the renowned experimental biologist, Jacques Loeb.
How it came to be that Hopkins Marine Station would be the location of a laboratory building named after the German-born physiologist Jacques Loeb, who is known to have placed a strong emphasis on experimental biology, is embedded in the history of the advancement of science itself. And closely associated with the marching forward of the advancement of science, was the influence of the Woods Hole's Marine Biological Laboratory and Jacques Loeb.
Born in 1859 in the Prussian town of Mayen, present day Rhineland-Palatinate, Germany, Loeb entered the University of Strassburg in 1880, completing a medical degree in 1884. Loeb next took postgraduate courses at the universities of Strasburg and Berlin, and in 1886 became an assistant at the physiological institute of the University of Würzburg, remaining there until 1888. During his vacations Loeb conducted biological research, at Kiel in 1888, and at the Stazione Zoologica in Naples, Italy in 1889 and 1890. In 1891 Loeb moved to the U.S., teaching for one year at Bryn Mawr College, before accepting the position of Assistant Professor of Physiology and Experimental Biology at the University of Chicago in 1892.1 During his time at the University of Chicago, Loeb moved up the ranks of academia, becoming an Associate Professor in 1895, and Full Professor in 1899. Loeb would first utilize the facilities available at MBL in 1892, and come to frequent the Woods Hole seaside laboratory for many summers thereafter.2
In 1888, running parallel to Jacques Loeb's academic progression was the opening of Marine Biological Laboratory (MBL) at Woods Hole Massachusetts; which offered of a summer course of instruction in invertebrate zoology. Soon to follow at MBL was the addition of general courses in marine botany (1890) and advanced zoology (i.e. general physiology (1892) and embryology (1893). Beyond these courses of instruction during the summer months, the Marine Biological Laboratory offered private investigator rooms to visiting scientists, free of charge.
In 1892, running closely behind the timeline of MBL was the opening of Hopkins Seaside Laboratory, and the offering a summer course of instruction in invertebrate zoology and marine botany. The following year (1893) special instruction in zoology (i.e. morphology, physiology, embryology and histology) was offered to students and visiting scientists who were familiar with the skills necessary for advanced work. Beyond offering courses of instruction during the summer, the Hopkins Seaside Laboratory, like MBL, offered private investigator rooms available to visiting scientists through out the year, free of charge. As such, other than the Marine Biological Laboratory in Woods Hole, Massachusetts, the Hopkins Seaside Laboratory was the only facility in America offering course instruction and research opportunities in advanced zoology associated with the study of marine organisms.
During the summers of 1899 and 1900, as a visiting scientist at Woods Hole, Jacques Loeb conducted his initial and soon to be famous artificial parthenogenesis experiments using sea-urchin eggs as the model system.3 Following these initial experiments, in the winter of 1898 and 1900, Loeb visited and maintained an investigators room at Hopkins Seaside Laboratory. Loeb had come to Pacific Grove to obtain the eggs of sea urchins spawning in winter. At the time, Jacque Loeb was on a quest to confirm the experimental results he obtained at Woods Hole Laboratory associated with artificial parthenogenesis - the ability to activate sea urchin eggs without sperm and initiate development. While at the Hopkins Seaside Laboratory, Loeb completed experiments that confirmed his results and led to a publication in Science magazine later that year titled “On the Artificial Parthenogenesis of Sea Urchins.” 4 Jacques Loeb’s experimental results, demonstrating the ability to initiate the embryonic development of sea urchins without sperm, sent shock waves through the biological science community. As one of the earliest examples of bioengineering, Loeb’s parthenogenesis experiment presented the opportunity to control and manipulate life’s processes, rather than the simple attempt to analyze and understand nature, as had been the practice of the vast majority of biologists in America up to that point in time. Jacques Loeb’s pioneering results, demonstrating a mechanistic conception of life, not only received extended publicity in the press, but would have significant implications on the direction of scientific research, not only at Woods Hole Marine Biological Laboratory, but at the Hopkins Marine Station, as well.
THE HERZSTEIN LABORATORY
In 1902, Jacques Loeb was recruited by the University of California at Berkeley to fill a similar chair to that which he held at the University of Chicago. As Loeb had found his visits to the Hopkins Seaside Laboratory in Pacific Grove scientifically rewarding, and determining the water quality of San Francisco Bay unsatisfactory to support his research, a rudimentary lab was quickly established for his use along the shores of New Monterey. This small lab, being a gift to the University of California's Department of Physiology by Dr. Morris Herzstein, was established specifically for Loeb and the furthering of his research.5 Positioned just east of the Chinese fishing village, where is today the main entrance to the Monterey Bay Aquarium, was located a plain, one-story wooden building where Loeb would a spend significant amount of time from 1903 through 1910, while professor at the University of California.6
As such, Jacque Loeb's Herzstein laboratory was positioned along the shoreline of Monterey the day of the catastrophic fire destroyed the Pacific Grove's Chinese Fishing Village, May 16, 1906. For quite some time after the fire, there existed plans for the University of California at Berkeley to establish a research facility on the property at China Point, where once existed the Chinese Fishing Village. How it was that Stanford University's Hopkins Marine Station would come to be located at China Point with a building named after Jacques Loeb and not the University of California is best described by Leonard B. Loeb, the son of Jacques Loeb.
NOTES ON THE ASSIGNMENT OF CHINATOWN POINT TO THE HOPKINS MARINE STATION
Things finally came to a climax and in 1906, with a strong westerly wind, a fire started at the west end of the village and destroyed Chinatown. Fire fighting equipment was inadequate to cope with the blaze that swept through the wooden shacks. The origin of the fire has never been established, but local gossip strongly hinted that it was not accidental. In any event, from then on Chinatown Point, or Point Ohlones, was free for the Pacific Improvement Company to dispose of as it wished.
The Chinese, either from superstition or for legal reasons, did not rebuild on Point Ohlones. Instead they took over Mc Abees Beach. Meanwhile Eisen [Gustavus A. Eisen] and the artist friend found other distractions in Europe. Eisen became an antiquarian, later associated with Kuchaki of New York, and claimed he had found the famous Chalice of Antioch, an ancient vessel supposed by some to have been the Holy Grail and the basis for one historical novel. No progress was made on the design for a marine laboratory. The depression of 1907 struck and Mrs. Hearst was temporarily financially embarrassed. The Pacific Improvement Company wanted some action from the University, but time dragged on with no decision. Benjamin Ide Wheeler went to Europe to be Kaiser Wilhelm professor (presumably an honorary position), leaving his administrative assistant, Victor Henderson, in charge of his office. Henderson was not interested in the laboratory and when Pryor demanded an answer to his offer of the land, Henderson did not telegraph Wheeler but turned it down. Meanwhile Loeb became discouraged. W. J. V. Osterhout, the botanist, left the University of California for Harvard, and other of the same active group brought together by Wheeler were leaving. Loeb accepted a call to the Rockefeller Institute in New York and left in the spring of 1910.
Hopkins Marine Station at Lovers Point was an eyesore and the land it stood upon was needed to rebuild the bath house and pool. It was logical that Pryor should then offer the Chinatown land to Stanford and I believe that Professors Heath and Jordan accepted it. The first unit was then built at Point Ohlones. In 1926 or 1928, I was in New York and received a call from the Head of the Rockefeller Foundation asking me to come to see him. He said the Foundation had been receiving requests for grants from laboratories, including Hopkins Marine Station, for building funds. He said the Foundation wanted to establish a single marine station on the Pacific coast akin to Woods Hole on the Atlantic to be a Mecca for marine biologists. He asked me why biologists of the Pacific coast could not get together and found such a laboratory to be located at Point Ohlones. If they did the Foundation would furnish the buildings and equipment all at one place instead of spreading it over the coast.
I indicated there were certain antagonisms between groups, notably Stanford and the University of California, but I would do what I could. On my return home to Berkeley I dealt with authorities at the University. President Campbell and A.D. Leuschner, Chairman of the Board of Research, were enthusiastic and talks were begun. I remember one evening riding out to Carmel Valley with an official representative from U.C. Berkeley to talk to Dr. Fisher, then director of Hopkins Marine Station, and convincing him to agree with the scheme. The one objection appeared to be the dominating influence and action of the Chairman of the Department of Zoology at Berkeley, Dr. Kofoid. He was an eminent scientist, but somewhat arrogant. It was understood that he would have no hand in the matter. The deal was completed and at a formal meeting it was expected to be generally ratified as agreed. Kofoid was asked not to attend this meeting and to say nothing if he did. However, at the end of the discussion Kofoid rose and stated his demands. The meeting broke up. Stanford University thereafter refused to play ball with Cal and the dream of a great biological institute at Pacific Grove vanished a second time.
The Rockefeller Foundation, however, gave a new laboratory building to Hopkins Marine Station to be used for research only. Teaching was done in the original Hopkins building. The research laboratory building was named for Jacques Loeb in commemoration of his initial dream and his first laboratory at the foot of David Avenue. 7
Leonard Loeb recollections provide further insight into the letter Walter K. Fisher sent to Vernon Kellogg on April 24, 1922. Clearly, the original idea behind the Rockefeller funded facility was to serve as a location where biologist could gather and explore science along the west coast, analogous to the manor by which Woods Hole Marine Biological Laboratory had been functioning, and a role the Hopkins Marine Station had been serving since 1892.
Beyond establishing a common meeting location for scientists, the Rockefeller Foundation was interested in advancing project oriented, technology based experimental biology, which had increasingly become a scientifically rewarding focus of both the Marine Biological Laboratory of Woods Hole Massachusetts and the Hopkins Seaside Laboratory of Pacific Grove, California.
In the 1920s, when the Rockefeller Foundation expanded the scope of its Natural Science programs to include biologists, the Marine Biological Laboratory and Hopkins Marine Station were among the first to receive funding. In 1924, the Rockefeller Foundation provided $500,000 for a new laboratory building and endowment at the Marine Biological Laboratory at Woods Hole, Massachusetts.8 The following year, 1925, the Rockefeller Foundation provided $100,000 for a new laboratory building at the Hopkins Marine Station, Pacific Grove, California.9 This funding provided to these biological field stations by the Rockefeller Foundation was considered supporting premedical science, which in turn would lead to the advancements in public health and medicine.10
JACQUES LOEB LABORATORY OF MARINE PHYSIOLOGY AT THE HOPKINS MARINE STATION
With the financial support provided by the John D. Rockefeller Foundation, a second laboratory was added to China Point campus of the Hopkins Marine Station. The driving force behind the addition of this building to the Hopkins Marine Station was the ambitious desire by President Ray Lyman Wilbur to advance the University’s standing within a field of experimental biology. Ray Lyman Wilber came to the Presidency of Stanford in 1916, having served as Dean of the University's medical school for five years.
His acceptance of the Presidency position was part of his effort of ensuring the continued existence of the medical school.11 Wilbur's goal for Stanford was two fold: 1) to convert the small, private college into a commanding research institution and 2) guarantee that a top medical school be associated the university. Advancing the field of experimental science, which the University was late to embrace, provided the path to achieve these goals. Within the research of scientific medicine, Wilbur recognized that the biological sciences established the basis for understanding results and directed further investigation. As such, Ray Lyman Wilbur saw the expansion of experimental biology and research within the medical school as interconnected with each synergistically benefitting the other and ultimately the human race.12
Wilbur's understanding and appreciation for the synergistic confluence of experimental biology and medical research was consistent with the view held by the Trustees and Scientific Directors of John D. Rockefeller Foundation as described in the Natural Sciences-Program and Policy (May 24, 1916) as follows:
"In the development of the Rockefeller Institute, the Trustees and Scientific Directors have wisely determined that the work of the Institute should not be confined merely to investigations having the most obvious, direct bearing on the treatment and prevention of disease, but should also include research into chemical, physical, and biological problems that might be assigned to the realm of pure science rather than the applied science, were it not for the repeatedly demonstrated importance of maintaining this distinction. It may fairly be maintained, therefore, that scientific truth is not only worthy of search for its own sake, but is almost certain to have sooner or later practical applications to the use and enjoyment of man."13
With Ray L Wilbur and Vernon Kellogg both on the Board of Trustees the Rockefeller Foundation, their positions played a supportive role in the receiving of funds for the Jacques Loeb Laboratory. President Wilbur, who served on the board from (1923- 1940), wrote the following of his years of service to the Rockefeller Foundation: "As I look around at the various things I've done, I can think of nothing that has given me more satisfaction than the associations with the Rockefeller foundations. Nearly every decision made demanded a real sense of responsibility and was a bet on brains as well as a guess on the future."14
Beyond his being instrumental in Stanford receiving financial support from the Rockefeller Foundation for the construction of the Laboratory, it was President Wilbur who suggested the name for the new building. In a letter written March of 1926- from RL Wilbur's to Embree - is presented the idea of having the building be named "The Jacques Loeb Laboratory of Marine Physiology."15 For the next several years the building was referenced with this title in the Annual Report of the President of Stanford University (1924-1926, 1926-1928, 1928-1929).
Within the Annual Report of the President of Stanford University for 1926, WK Fisher briefly mentioned the desired intentions of Jacques Loeb Laboratory as follows: "It is hoped that the exceptional facilities for work of a fundamental nature in biology to be made available at the Station by the completion of the new unit will be utilized by investigators from all parts of the country to the great benefit of biological science." 16
Completed in July of 1928, the final structure consisted of two wings of one story and a central portion two stories tall, with a front courtyard surrounded by these three wings, with the name Jacques Loeb Laboratory chiseled in large letters above the front entrance. Initially this building held several large specialized laboratories and seven private workrooms. Both the specialized laboratories and work rooms were equipped with fume hoods, alternating and direct current, gas, pressure and suction air, sea-water, hot and cold fresh water, and distilled water. Seawater was delivered through pure lead pipes that were plumed to 10, 000 gallon tank situated on a rocky elevation of land on the north-west tip of the property, allowing for the water to be gravity-fed to the aquarium tables.17
Most of the laboratories and workspaces were supplied with seawater, hot and cold fresh water, distilled water, gas, alternating and direct current up to 200 volts, compressed air of up to 100-pound pressure, and vacuum outlets. The larger laboratories were provided with variable currents and special hoods for chemical work. Seawater was pumped from a natural upwelling in the ocean into a reservoir situated on the top of a rocky outcropping. It then flowed into the laboratories and workspaces by gravity.
An adjacent boiler house was added during the construction of the Jacques Loeb Laboratory. In addition to the central installation for the systems of heater pipes, the boiler house contained a storeroom and machine shop. The latter was equipped with grinding apparatus for rock and shell sections, lathe, drill-press, carpenter's bench, band saw, and glass-blowing table.18
The Jacques Loeb Laboratory was filled with a collection of the state-of-the-art scientific instruments to the point that the building was the best equipped facility for physiological research at Stanford.19 Purchased for the new laboratory were numerous instruments for biophysical research, including potentiometers, colorimeters, a conductivity apparatus, an Abbe refractometer, a polarization microscope - complete with special temperature controlled microscope stages and five microphotographic cameras.
Quoting Susan Spath's dissertation (1999), Lourens G. M. Baas Becking commented "that the microscopic instrumentation included "practically every microscopic accessory one might need, such as dark field, and ultra-violet systems, a monochrometer, microspectral equipment, and micro-manipulators." For Van Neil's bacteriological laboratory was purchased the necessary research equipment: incubators, ovens and an autoclave and a microbiological safety cabinet, equipped with lights.20
During the first year of it's completion the Jacques Loeb Laboratory housed a handful of resident investigators who, with state of the art scientific equipment went about researching a number of fundamental problems of marine life and the marine environment. In reference to these research efforts, WK Fisher stated the following in the Annual Report to the President (1928-1929): The ecological physiology of marine organisms again represents in scope and importance a field of investigation that requires the collaboration of a group of specialists.21 This statement again calls back to the letter from WK Fisher to Vernon Kellogg and the original idea of a shared workspace and meeting place for scientist that the Rockefeller Foundation was interested in supporting.
With the completion of the Jacques Loeb Laboratory, came the suggested need to properly name the first building, which simply had the words Hopkins Marine Station positioned above the upper most level of windows of the front entrance of the building. Consequently, in January 1929, the Board of Trustees of Stanford University named this building the Alexander Agassiz Laboratory, in recognition of one of America's leading oceanographers and the son of Louis Agassiz.22
THE HYDROBIOLOGICAL SURVEY OF MONTEREY BAY
During the spring quarter of 1928, Dr. Henry Bryant Bigelow, acting professor of oceanography at Harvard University visited Hopkins Marine Station and assisted in the teaching on the subject of oceanography. The Oceanic Biology class that Bigelow instructed was announced in the Hopkins Marine Station Bulletin of 1928 with the following course description.
500. Oceanic Biology - The ocean as an environment of animals and plants; oceanography; adaptation of oceanic plants and animals; distribution; methods of marine exploration; fisheries problems and marine resources. A four weeks' course of three lectures weekly, with demonstrations, open to all students.
Required of students registered in Courses 511, 516, 541, 542. 2 units Bigelow (Hopkins Marine Station Bulletin, 1928).23
Bigelow not only lectured to the class on oceanic biology, but took students on cruises aboard the California State Fisheries steamer "Albacore," demonstrating methods of oceanic investigation. During that summer, as part of his visit, Bigelow, with the support of members of the Hopkins Marine Station of Stanford University, the Museum of Comparative Zoology of Harvard University, the Scripps Institution of Oceanography of the University of California, and the Division of Fish and Game, conducted a short but intensive hydrobiological survey of Monterey Bay.24
The project involved investigating two aspects of the waters of Monterey Bay, the hydrographic and the biological, with the importance directed on the latter. The seasonal and annual variations in the physical and chemical states and in the currents of the Monterey Bay would be studied, and the quantitative and qualitative changes, both annual and seasonal, in the pelagic flora and fauna were to be correlated with the hydrographic data.25
The survey entailed collecting data from various locations throughout the Monterey Bay. At each location temperatures at different depths were gathered, and water samples collected for determination of nitrates, phosphates, silica and oxygen. Concurrently, in an effort to ascertain the composition of pelagic and bathypelagic flora and fauna, in association with the hydrography of the Bay, plankton hauls were conducted at comparable depths.26
While conducting this initial hydrobiological survey of the Monterey Bay, Bigelow urged the Division of Fish and Game and the Hopkins Marine Station to consider working together to extend the project. With Bigelow's encouragement the two institutions entered into a cooperative arrangement, which allowed for the research to continue.27
From the California Division of Fish and Game, EC Scofield was assigned the portion of the program associated with fisheries; most specifically a study of spawning and early life history of sardines. From the Hopkins Marine Station, Dr. Tage Skogsberg was selected to supervise the technicians assigned to the analysis of water samples and in handling of data collected. Beyond the supporting staff, the two institutions each provided $1,500 annually toward general expenses associated with the survey.28 A significant amount of the research effort was labor intensive which required weekly trips onboard the State Fisheries patrol boats, Albatross and Steelhead, to seven designated locations for the collection of water temperature data and seawater sample.
During the first three years of the program the collection of data was limited to the waters close to the Hopkins Marine Station. In 1932, with access to improved boating facilities, the program was extended considerably. According to Skogsberg:
"The entire bay was included in our program and particular emphasis was placed on ascertaining the role played by the deep channel in the general hydrographical changes characteristic of the Bay. Seven stations were established. One was on the northern side of the channel; two were on the southern side; the remaining four, in a manner, triangulated the central channel." 29
With inclusion of a large portion of bay, a particular emphasis was directed toward understanding the role the Monterey Canyon played in the general hydrographical patterns of the Bay.30
The Hydrobiological Survey ran for almost a decade (1929 to 1937), with those investigators supporting the research provided laboratory space at Hopkins Marine Station. Several scientific publications that resulted from the survey include Bigelow and Leslie (1930), Skogsberg (1936) and Skogsberg and Phelps (1946). The findings presented in these papers were summarized by Raymond C. Anderson’s in his Master’s thesis, Thermal conditions in Monterey Bay during September 1966 through September 1967 and January 1970 through January 1971, as follows:
1. Bigelow and Leslie (1930)
"Bigelow and Leslie conducted the first hydrobiological survey of Monterey Bay (Skogsberg (1936)). The variation with depth of temperature (as well as that of other physical parameters such as salinity and silicate at most stations) was obtained at 29 stations in the bay over the period of 30 June to 24 July 1928. The data were assumed to be synoptic and the horizontal distributions of sea surface temperature, temperature at depths of 10 meters and 100 meters, and the depths of the 9°C and 10 °C isotherms- were plotted. Vertical sections across the bay and along the canyon's axis were also contoured. From these plots it was concluded that upwelling tended to flow up the slopes of the sides of the canyon toward the canyon's head from a depth of at least 250 meters. Regarding horizontal circulation it was stated that an anticyclonic system existed at the mouth of the bay. This was attributed to the shoreward spread of the colder upwelled waters leaving a quiescent area of relatively warm light waters along the axis of the canyon. Assuming that such waters are to the right of the flow a clockwise circulation will be developed."
2. Skogsberg (1936) and Skogsberg and Phelps (1946)
"An intensive study of thermal conditions was conducted during the years 1929 - 1937 by Hopkins Marine Station, These two reports constitute important background material for many of the subsequent studies of Monterey Bay. A considerable number of time series graphs based on monthly averages at stations in the southern part of the bay were considered representative of conditions throughout the entire bay. These graphs plus diagrams of vertical sections of temperature led to the following conclusions (among others): First, conditions in the southern end of the bay were dependent upon forces outside the bay. Second, according to Skogsberg (1936) an open meander in the bay's circulation represented a more or less deep bend in a side branch of the general coastal flow while a closed eddy with clockwise flow indicated a northerly coastal current. Finally, counterclockwise closed eddies were considered to result from a southerly coastal flow."31
References
Chapter 5
1. Elliott, Steve (2009). Jacques Loeb (1859-1924). The Embryo Project Encyclopedia. Retrieved January 21, 2014 from https://embryo.asu.edu/pages/jacques-loeb-1859-1924.
2. Ibid.
3. Pauly, Philip J. (1987). Controlling life : Jacques Loeb and the engineering ideal in biology. New York : Oxford University Press.
4. Loeb, Jacques. (1900). On artificial parthenogenesis in sea urchins. Science, New Series11 (277): 612–614.
5. Pauly, Philip J. (1987). Controlling life : Jacques Loeb and the engineering ideal in biology. New York : Oxford University Press.
6. Ibid.
7. Loeb, Leonard B. (ca. 1950). Notes on the Assignment of Chinatown Point to the Hopkins Marine Station.
8. The Rockefeller Foundation Annual Report, 1924.
9. The Rockefeller Foundation Annual Report, 1925.
10. Gray, George W. (1954). The Rockefeller Foundation and the Biological Sciences: AIBS Bulletin, Vol. 4, No. 1. pp. 13-15.
11. Spath, Susan B. (1999). C. B. van Niel and the Culture of Microbiology, 1920-1965. Thesis (Ph.D.). University of California, Berkeley.
12. Ibid.
13. Natural Sciences-Program and Policy (May 24, 1916) Application from the committee of one hundred on scientific research of the American Association for the Advancement of Science.
14. Wilbur, R. L. (1960). The Memoirs of Ray Lyman Wilbur, 1875-1949. Stanford University Press.
15. Spath, Susan B. (1999). C. B. van Niel and the Culture of Microbiology, 1920-1965. Thesis (Ph.D.). University of California, Berkeley. [Wilbur to Embree, March 19, 1926]
16. Annual Report of the President of Stanford University For The Thirty first Academic Year ending August 31, 1926.
17. Fisher, Walter K. (1931). The Hopkins Marine Station of Stanford University. The Collecting Net. Vol. 6, No. 3. July 11, 1931.
18. Hopkins Marine Station Bulletin, 1930. Stanford University Bulletin. Fifth Series, No. 86. February 3, 1930. Stanford University, California.
19. Spath, Susan B. (1999). C. B. van Niel and the Culture of Microbiology, 1920-1965. Thesis (Ph.D.). University of California, Berkeley.
20. Ibid.
21. Annual Report of the President of Stanford University For The Thirty Eighth Academic Year ending August 31, 1929. Published by the University.
22. Vaughan T. W. (1937) Catalogue of institutions engaged in oceanographic work. In International aspects of oceanography. Washington National Academy of Sciences. pp 73-225
23. Hopkins Marine Station Bulletin, 1928. Stanford University Bulletin. Fifth Series, No. 48. March 1, 1928. Stanford University, California.
24. Annual Report of the President of Stanford University For The Thirty Seventh Academic Year ending August 31, 1928. Published by the University. Stanford University Bulletin. November 1928
25. Annual Report of the President of Stanford University For The Thirty Seventh Academic Year ending August 31, 1928. Published by the University. Stanford University Bulletin. November 1928
26. Ibid.
27. California. Dept. of Fish and Game The Department. (1921) (Report, Volumes 26- 30).
28. Ibid.
29. Skogsberg, Tage (1932) Oceanographic work at the Hopkins Marine Station, Stanford University, for the year 1932. Transactions, American Geophysical Union, Volume 14, Issue 1, p. 221-222).
(Division Of Fish And Game Of California, Bureau Of Commercial Fisheries, Fish Bulletin No. 41. Early Life History of the California Sardine (Sardina caerulea), with Special Reference to Distribution of Eggs and Larvae. (Eugene C. Scofield California State Printing Office, Harry Hammond, State Printer, Sacramento, 1934).
30. Ibid.
31. Anderson, Raymond Charles. (1971). (Thermal conditions in Monterey Bay during September 1966 through September 1967 and January 1970 through January 1971. Monterey, California: U.S. Naval Postgraduate School)